In the rich repertoire of Estonian folk games there is an old and original group of song games possessing common features with both folk drama and folk dance.
Until the end of the 19th century, song games were prevalent among the leisure and entertainment activities in Estonian peasant society. Among children, song games were still very popular in the first half of this century, and, to some extent, are played even today. As to their nature, song games are universal and this seems to be the reason for their survival through the centuries. The universal character of song games rests on their diversity and complex composition: song, dramatic activity and dialogues, dance movements and established dances - these all serve as components of the games. So they are of interest likewise to the old and young. Everyone can participate in song games and need not feel separated from the community.
In the broader sense, the term 'song game' means all the games performed with songs (Mirov 1980; 1992). There are two layers of such games in Estonian folk tradition: older games with runo songs (Tampere 1958; Mirov 1969-74) and newer ones with mostly rhymed songs in stanza form (Rüütel 1980-83). Most song games cannot be classified rigidly, of course; various intermediate and mixed forms are frequent. In popular terminology these are the games of the older layer that have been called song games while the newer ones, because of their principal movement, are known as round games.
Looking at the general historical development of the song games repertoire, we see that at the start, games with drama elements and runo songs were common, while at the end round games with rhymed songs in stanza form and couple-dance became standard (during one part of the song - a refrain or a repeated special dance song stanza - polka or waltz or some other dance was performed). So the song games have developed from drama-like forms of performance to a form in which dance elements are prevalent (Tampere 1958:15-16). But in the interim we see many fixed game types:
1) song games with a characteristic song in traditional form and figurative dance movement; 2) so-called match making games with runo song and circular movements; 3) round games with rhymed songs in stanza form and dramatic elements (Mirov 1974:184; Rüütel 1980-83:5-9, 21-38).
In the course of such general development, song and game became more and more united. In round games, the song and movement (either dramatic or dance) are completely connected and the whole game is accompanied by singing. In older song games, however, the components are relatively independent. Leaving out a component, one can still follow an interesting game. Especially independent is the song where it introduces the game -exposition song (Mirov 1974:181). Several old runo verse song games are now used as children's games without singing.
The most typical feature of the older Estonian song games is the runo song. the most noteworthy artistic achievement of the ancient Balto-Finnie culture. The distinctive features of the runo form are alliteration, parallelism, and quantitative four feet trochaic metre. This verse form probably arose in the 1st millennium B.C. during the so-called Estonian-Finnish common era, i.e. the era before the final dispersal of Balto-Finnic tribes (Annist 1969:38-40; Kuusi 1963A:129-137; Apo 1994:19-22). Many archaic myths and legends known all over Eurasia about the creation as well as myths with celestial bodies and their characters are in runo verse. Runo songs were once an inseparable part of life, accompanying both religious ceremonies, traditional feasts as well as everyday toil and events. It is note-worthy that in southeast of Estonia, in Setu, the old song tradition is so strong even at present that runo songs are sung at calendar rites, festivities, weddings, etc., and even improvisations are performed in runo verse. Old songs are sung also on Kihnu Island (weddings and other festivities).
Obviously the runo song, even in its initial period, was combined with various game and dance elements. Simple work-imitation must have been an older form of song games. Their words employ mainly work songs sung to ease harder and time-consuming tasks and to fix a working rhythm. The same words and rhythms were already combined with the imitation of working movements as a game (Tampere 1958:12-14). Up to now two games of this type have survived (and are especially popular in the Setu region): grinding on hand-mills and spinning, where the nature of the task is conveyed with apt rhythmic and melodic devices. Developing as a game, the imitation acquired new elements. The imitation was often compressed into an introduction, followed by the playful imitation of various everyday events. The game developed into a small drama piece with fixed characters and dialogues.
The exact time of the formation of dramatic song games in runo verse cannot be determined. The first mention of this game type dates from 1680 (i.e. from the period of Swedish supremacy which began in northern Estonia in 1561 and lasted till 1721). It is quite clear, however, that several game types we know of (i.e. "The Needle Game" found in the court proceedings of 1680) emerged a lot earlier. This is the classical Kalevala metre form of the verse in these songs that verifies the statement. Many song games that began to spread in Estonia during the Swedish rule (these types can be found in Sweden and Finland, too) have in most cases preserved their alien verse structure and metre; only a few of them have adopted runo verse. Another proof of the old age of the games is their ties with calendar rites and with religious traditions in general. "The Needle Game", recorded in the proceedings of witchcraft trial in Pärnu County Court, has been sung in the so-called play room during the rites dedicated to Metsik, the fertility spirit (Laakmann-Anderson 1934). At an earlier stage, we probably can draw no dividing line between the ritualistic and entertainment function of the games. Thus, the old song games represent the primeval syncretism of arts with customs, dance, song and playful imitation, forming an integral whole.
In Estonia, people played the games mainly during solstice festivities, especially during Christmas (= Yuletide 'joulud'). Recorded texts often bear the name "Christmas game" = Yuletide game 'joulumängud'). In the long Christmas period from December 21 (St Thomas Day) to January 6 (Epiphany) Christmas games were primarily played on the two days following Christmas Day, on New Year's Day and Epiphany. Winter solstice -the victory of light over darkness - has been celebrated by various cultures since ancient times, and with great festivity. The feasts, with their variety of customs, also included games. The youth gathered for Christmas games not only in Estonia, but in the whole of northern Europe. The Finns, for example, have Christmas games' customs identical with the Estonian ones (Enäjärvi-Haavio 1936:103-106; Kuusi 1963B:129-137), In Estonia and Finland, this tradition has lasted in certain regions till the beginning of this century, incorporating games from later layers - up to the round games. The most thorough descriptions in print show the customs in Setu (Ariste 1927) and coastal areas of northern Estonia (Vilberg 1920). The Orthodox Setu observed the pre-Christmas fasting with girls' joint handicraft evenings, which included also singing and playing games. At handicraft evenings the above-mentioned games were popular with more quiet working imitations requiring less space. For the Christmas games proper, starting on Boxing Day, the youth gathered in a spacious room or on a threshing floor of a farmhouse. Girls dominated, but the young men had their special tasks too, which required mostly physical strength, skill or eloquency. The importance of Christmas games in the social life of the village youth was great. This opportunity to meet the opposite sex and make new acquaintances was approved by the community, and it is but natural that Christmas games were eagerly awaited. Depending on the situation, older people and children were accepted as well, either as participants or onlookers. Some descriptions of the customs reveal, however, that the young tried to avoid the older generation, but in most cases it is clear that the presence of older people was still recommended for their knowledge of the songs and their participation in some roles. They were also custodians of order, trying to keep the young within the bounds of decency. The onlookers frequently could not stay passive: they were asked questions about lost property and animals, about the lost direction, etc.
In summer, song games were played traditionally around the Midsummer Night bonfire (jaanituli), i.e. on the evening of June 23 (the eve of St John's Day = jaanipaev). This solstice festival had its own fixed game types, which involved the lost and recovered objects, or death and revival, and have been interpreted as containing remnants of rituals connected with winter and summer - the death and revival of nature. A mystical and supernatural function of the games in their earlier stages of development is highly probable.
Later, as the ties with the ancient beliefs grew dim and entertainment became the main point of the games, song games were played whenever an appropriate company assembled. From the mid-19th century the youth were attracted to round games with intermediate couple-dances, and many an old dramatic song game fell into the children's repertoire. In this way, the runo song either shortened or disappeared altogether. Sometimes, the words were recomposed to make them appropriate to the new strophic form (Rüütel 1969).
Predominantly the old runo verse song games described scenes from peasant life, and in some games animals were portrayed. In this case, the game represented the opposition of home to forest, with, for instance, a shepherd against a wolf, or a rooster against a hawk: the wolf steals sheep, the hawk chicken. In other games participants look for lost animals or objects. In these, the principal characters are not so sharply juxtaposed since the conflict is weaker. The tension is created by the obstacles met before finding the animal or object. The protagonist animals are anthropomorphic as in fairy-tales, and talk and act as human beings (Mirov 1976:165-170). For example, the wolf does not tear the sheep, but drives them into his shed, makes hay for them, cooks mutton-soup, etc. In other cases, the animal-features are emphasized, mainly by uttering animal sounds: the sheep bleat, the horse neighs, the dog barks, etc.
In general, the older song games are divided into line and circle games with fixed pattern, and into performance games with free form (Mirov 1974:184; 1976:29). In the first case, the pattern (i.e. the majority of the players are positioned in a row or a circle) sets its limits to the action: dramatic elements and dialogues are fewer while dance and sporting elements (the latter come mostly at the end of the game) are more numerous. The song in older song games is mainly an introduction (exposition song), followed by the main part comprised of dialogues and performed scenes. The line and circle as basic patterns of games and dances are archaic phenomena and used also in old Estonian ritual dances. Standing or moving in a line or circle was integral to the performance of long epic songs. All the above mentioned folk art forms are closely related to each other, with only a shift in emphasis from dancing to drama or singing in different cases.
1. Line games, with their focus on seeking, buying and borrowing, fall into two subgroups according to the place of the song in the composition of the game (Mirov 1974:180-182).
The first, bigger subgroup comprises line games with an expositional song, e.g. "The Needle Game" (Mirov 1981), "The Hawk Game", "The Ship Game". The composition is clear and simple, falling into three parts:
1) the introduction in song form (exposition),
2) the dramatic main action (disposition),
3) sporting resolution (conclusion).
Since each part contains different means of expression, they can be clearly determined.
The expositional song is performed together with some dance elements, e. g. walking or dancing steps with fixed rhythm and pattern, swaying the upper part of the body, and the beating of time with one's feet, etc. In "The Ship Game" the line of participants represents a ship and its movement on the waves (the players sway themselves to the rhythm of the song). These devices bring song games close to imitative dances, which are also to be found in the Estonian folk dance repertoire.
The second part of the game rests on dramatic elements, the most important of which is me prose dialogue, forming the dramatic axis of the game. The dialogue can be short or long, colourful or matter of fact, depending on the player's talent, sense of humour, age, etc. The action in this part of the line game is mostly limited to gestures or mimicry aimed at making the speech more vivid. Most of the players stand in a line, holding on to each other (by waist, as a rule), and only two people, the main characters, talk. One of them is the first player in the line, and his partner, the so-called opponent, stands alone opposite the line. Looking for the borrowed or bought object is typical: the searcher moves towards the end of the line, while the players stretch out their feet and ask if it is a needle or a chicken that is being looked for. The buyer answers negatively, until the last player hears "yes" and has to flee. Such repeated proceeding still activates the players and heightens the game's tension.
"The Hawk Game", compared to the other games of the same subgroup, has a more elaborated plot possessing features in common with performance games. The scene is conveyed with the help of text and mime only, and yet the dramatic effect creates the atmosphere of a play, as the hawk pretending to make a fire and boil water in order to cook the hen. The conflict is also more acute and the dialogue more complicated in "The Hawk Game".
The resolution of line games with exposition songs is sporting. For example, in "The Needle Game" the last person in the line - the needle -bolts and so the needle-seeker has to catch her. In "The Ship Game" the skipper who plans to buy the ship has to "test the strength of it": the girls constituting the ship are sitting on the floor holding each other tightly by the waist; in order to test the strength, the skipper takes the hands of the first player (the captain of the ship) and tries to tug her off the row (frequently the skipper asks other boys present to come and help him).
The central feature of a line game that has an expositional song is the line of players itself, which must stay intact till the end. Only one player, the character in opposition, whose pursuit is opposed to the others, is entirely independent of the line. For example, in "The Hawk Game" the hawk must catch the last player - chicken - so that the line stays intact during the entire game. The last chicken does not loosen its grip on the player ahead of her and flee, but holds on to the line all the time. To catch her, the hawk must pass the rooster, but the latter meets him with outstretched hands and the line of chickens tails the rooster.
The second subgroup are the line games that have dialogue songs instead of the dramatic axis. The basic examples are "The Pot Game" and "The Sieve Game". According to their subject these are also seeking and borrowing games, but lack the introductory part. The dialogue song, forming the dramatic axis, is poetic and rich in imagery, intertwined with descriptions and stories. The dialogue is between the characters in conflict, who take their stands until the owner consents to hand over the sieve or the pot. Songs are sung by the main characters alone (each one's own remarks) or by the whole company. No action takes place during the dialogue song, but in case of prose remarks (after the song), some action may attend them. The end is likewise mostly athletic. And as always in games with dramatic elements, the participants are free to improvise. So, even dancing could complete the game.
2. Circle games mostly consist of two parts, which, thanks to their different means of expression, stand clearly apart. The essential component of the first part is singing, and that of the second is action that heightens tension and brings the game to a conclusion. Circle games can be divided into two groups according to a difference in dramatic elements. The first group may conventionally be called circle games with dramatic action, and the second circle games with imitative action. Of course, every kind of dramatic activity is based on imitation, but we can still show the significant difference in the modes of the performance (Mirov 1974:180-183).
In circle games with dramatic action the song contains the exposition as well as the dramatic axis and conflict (here, too, the song is exposi-tional). The song is accompanied by imitative action. For example, in "The Horse Game" (Mirov 1984) the young man in the centre of the circle imitates the horse by neighing and skipping, while the men outside the circle - the seekers of the horse - call the horse, offer him hay, etc. The action is thematically tied to the contents of the song, but is of no importance as far as the dramatic axis is concerned; the action only illustrates the words of the song. The circle (made up of girls who move slowly) depicts the fence. The song's last motif- "Try, is the fence strong?" - introduces a new stage in the action. The circle stops, the players grip their neighbours' arms. Now the horse tries to get out of the "fence", tearing the girls' hands or even trying to jump over their shoulders. The seekers, at that, try to help "the fence" and hinder the horse. In most cases the game ends when the horse gets out. Sometimes more action or longer dialogues in prose are included, with elements such as bargaining for the horse, shoeing the horse, and the mending of the fence inserted. All action is remarkably comical, even farcical. Anyhow, the role of dramatic elements in this game type can be considerable. Also the sporting elements acquire here a dramatic colouring, being tightly related to the plot of the song.
Among the games, "The King Game" is different because of the redeeming of forfeits in the resolution which provide most of the thrill and tension in the game. But the taking of forfeits springs directly from the game theme (the king has come to collect taxes) and thus it becomes a compositional part of this "small drama".
The second subgroup of circle games consists of song games with imitative action, the so-called imitative games. The most popular of them were "The Doll Game" and "The Mourning Game", which were played during the Midsummer Night's festival (Enäjärvi-Haavio 1928:259-261). Here there are no characters in conflict, and no plot conveyed by action; the action is pantomimic. The players walk in the circle and sing. One or two players (girls) are inside. The words of the song direct the action of the main character: everything conveyed in song must be imitated with movements and mimicry. In "The Doll Game" the main character imitates dressing and decorating herself. The game ends with a chase: on hearing certain words, the girl runs out of the circle and one of the boys (might be named in the song) have to catch her. One part of the song is sung in faster tempo, accompanying the chase and is repeated till the end of chase. The "calling-back-song" can be added if the runners have gone too far from the circle.
In "The Mourning Game" the girl inside the circle express contrasting feelings of sorrow and joy. The first half of the song tells how her relatives die one after another, and the last one to die is her fiance. The mourning girl stoops lower and lower, until she collapses in sobs. In the second part of the song it turns out that the message was wrong - all the relatives are alive. Finally also the fiance is announced to be alive, and the girl literally dances with joy. Such hopping to express joy is, of course, spontaneous and natural. But it is worth recalling that improvised solo-dance is an archaic form of dancing, and here, too, we might observe common features of old song games and ritual dances. In case of these two game types the Connections between old song games and rituals of both the cycle of the year and the solstice are conspicuous.
3. Performance games, such as "The Sheep Game", "The Turnip Game" and especially "The Wooing Game", well-known in Setu, form the third group of the older song games. The games touched upon above have dramatic elements, but performance games are real drama pieces, different from the others as to their composition and the amount of dramatic action (Mirov 1974; 1976:172-175). These games often include props and costumes. Of course, these are all simple and handy things, e.g. in "The Wooing Game" tools for weaving belts; a stick suitable for being used as the wooer's horse as well as for scaring dogs; some articles of clothing, a pipe or a purse to make the main character look impressive. A universal prop was the stick that performed always numerous functions. These childlike and imaginative devices managed to convey the circumstances ingeniously. Mostly, however, the scene was set with the help of words and pantomime. (In "The Sheep Game" the shepherd sings, "I am making a fence, I am sharpening the picket..." while imitating the job with his movements.)
In performance games, too, the song serves as an exposition. In some game types the song is essentially a monologue, but it is often performed by other players as well. The players form no distinct patterns as in line or circle games, but are located according to the depicted plot. The participants are free to improvise. Only the main text line and some remarks are fixed, otherwise the actor's talent and sense of humour can be used. In line and circle games the excitement was focused in the conclusion; in performance games, however, the players are fascinated by performing the scenes throughout the game. The most popular, no doubt, has been "The Sheep Game" (Mirov 1976), which is recorded in 600 variants in the whole Estonia.
Most of the participants take the role of sheep - hence the name of the game. The two main characters are the shepherd and the wolf, plus the shepherd's helper, the dog. The shepherd must guard the sheep, yet the wolf manages by and by, with tricks and lies, to steal all the sheep. Following the wolf's tracks and by asking for direction he reaches the wolf. The wolf tries again to use cunning and lies, but the sheep hear their guardian's voice and run to the shepherd. Some of them have suffered harm: they limp. Now the sheep's physical condition is checked: they must jump over the stick. At last the sheperd gets back all the sheep and righteousness wins. All the scenes of the game can be devided into two acts according to the place of action. Although the game takes place on the so-called open stage, we can see two conventional scenes of action: the shepherd's home and the wolf's. At the beginning of the game (act 1) the wolf is more active, initiating the conflict and the dramatic axis. In the second half the shepherd is more active and action is carried over to the wolf's place. Principally, this game corresponds to the five-part structure of classical drama: exposition, disposition, climax, peripethy and conclusion; all the elements are present. Of course, the game is unfixed and open just like any phenomenon of folk art. The end could include improvised scenes such as bargaining for the sheep or the chastisement of the wolf.
The musical side of older song games has been characterized by Herbert Tampere in his book "The Estonian Folk Songs with Melodies" (Tampere 1958:12-16). He notes that song games, as in other folk song genres, possess group melodies - i.e., within one region the same simple melody is used for all song games. The expositional songs were performed in a tranquil manner and the same is true of the melodies of the songs. Some differences occur between larger regions. Thus, the song games of northern and western Estonia are stilistically predominantly narrative and recitative. The one- or sometimes two-line melodies are mostly within the range of the fourth. This style is characteristic of narrative songs in general as well as of old ritual songs. In southern Estonia, the refrain is used at the end or in the middle of each verse, which is also the case with the working and ritual songs of the region. Here, again, the relation between song games and both beliefs and rituals are evident.
The games accompanied by singing throughout or those where the main characters performed their remarks singing are musically more complicated. Then the character of the action, the content and the mood of the dialogues are also expressed by musical means. This fact, again, stresses the dramatic nature of song games.
As in fairy-tales, games are an international folklore genre. The newer layers of Estonian song games have much in common with similar games in Sweden, Finland, Germany and other neighbouring countries. Some older song game types may be found in kindred (i.e. Finno-Ugric) nations and neighbouring peoples, but their games, as a rule, possess less components. The similarities are naturally the greatest with the Finnish games. But even in Finland, despite the common runo song tradition, those games are mostly known without songs. Thus, the older song games are an original folklore genre, reflecting still earlier cultural contacts and being of general interest.
Department of Folkloristics of the Estonian Literature Museum. Tallinn, Estonia
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