REGARDING THE WAY-FINDING HABITS OF THE SIBERIAN
CONSIDERING THE KHANTS AS AN EXAMPLE
According to J. Derrida, meanings that are separate and not related to any sign
system, refer to an impaired layer prior to a language or sign system (Derrida 1995:
39-40). Pre-alphabet meanings (i.e. meanings that existed before a language or sign
system) can be related to any human action in the landscape, including
This article examines the Khants` and other Siberian peoples` orientation skills and
landmark systems. Those data that have not appeared in previous articles by this
author will be highlighted (Leete 1995a, 1995b, 1996). For the Khants themselves,
there is no hierarchical difference whether to orientate themselves using natural
objects or other ways of way-marking, i.e. by breaking tree branches, cutting
notches and signs on tree trunk etc. For a researhcer, such classification may prove
useful. In the case of orientation taking place by means of environmental differences,
without the help of man-made landmarks, this refers to the original layer of a culture.
The use of landmarks is an aspect in the development of communication strategies
and sign systems.
Orientation by means of environmental
Peoples living in the tundra and taiga belts get a sense of orientation with the help of
various natural objects, such as the Sun, Moon, stars, wind, rivers, trees, and many
others. There are an infinite number of such orientation strategies. The available
data on the subject have been highlighted in an earlier paper by the author (Leete
1995b). So, in the present article these will not be addressed. Rather, some
additional data on the subject will be provided.
The natural objects chosen as landmarks need not be among the most prominent
and eye-catching objects in the landscape. However, this would not help when
showing the way to a stranger by describing the environment. In 1994 during the
fieldwork with the Khant and Nenets peoples, in the Priuralski region, such
orientation strategies are interpreted as follows:
In Laborovaya village I was shown the way (by a Nenets person) as follows:
When I arrived at the peak of a particular hill, I would see the first conical tent. So we
wandered around the lakes until we finally arrived. /.../ (A Nenets) Prokopi then
showed us another hill, and at the peak of it we would see another conical tent.
(TAp 900: 56).
Also, natural phenomena can be used as landmarks. For example, the main wind
direction, tree trunks which are slightly covered with moss on the northern side, and
the fact that they have fewer branches on the northern side, as well as the position of
ant-hills in relation to the quarters of the horizon (Leete 1995b: 50-51). Or else the
fact that some West-Siberian swamps do not freeze in the winter and above the
water there forms a mist (Lutski 1947: 93, 98).
The peoples living in the tundra belt Photo. 1 do
not consider orientation in the
homogeneous taiga belt possible, as one cannot see anything there. On the other
hand, the peoples living in the wild forest are not able to orientate themselves in the
bare tundra environment, as there are no basic landmarks (Leete 1995b: 51). Yet the
taiga environment is not homogeneous overall. The Khants living in the area around
the Pim River have surroundings which are more diverse (with woods, swamps,
lakes, rivers and streams in it),
Photo. 2, consider the forests of the taiga belt
to be a homogeneous environment where there are no prominent objects to spot. A.
Kanterov (44), a Khant, living in the region around the Ai-Pim River, explained this
as follows: "There are thick forests. You go on and on .There are no
differences, it`s all the same everywhere" (EA, Leete 1995).
According to A. Kanterov, in the taiga zone, there is nothing to do with the wind
direction, as it always changes. In
the region around the Pim River, where there are fewer trees, the wind blows in the
same direction all day long. However, there is no constant wind direction (EA, Leete
In the thick forest in the region around the Lyamin River (next to the Pim River) there
are, according to A. Kanterov, "closed days", when there are neither wind
nor sunshine, these days are misty. In these days people get lost immediately in the
taiga belt. There are no landmarks for assistance. One can move around and return
to one's own footprints, wondering who has already been there. Later one realises
that the footprints are one' own. Even experienced hunters may sometimes get lost
in the closed days. There are no landmarks whatsoever..." (EA, Leete 1995).
However, in the thick taiga forest people can find their way with the help of surface
forms. One more citation by Aiser:"It is convenient to orientate oneself in the
thick taiga forest. I frequently go there. In the middle of the forest you must look for
the parts that are slightly slanted, and go along them. Wherever they turn, you must
go along them. Later you will come to some stream. So you will manage. Although
there is no Sun you come to a riverside. Then you will see - there is a big river"
According to the data collected by H. Sarv, in Yuilsk village by the Kazym River,
some Khants found their way to the hunters` seasonal dwelling place when hearing
dogs bark (TAp 678: 12).
In 1995 by the Ai-Pim River we once had to go from Aiser`s home to Jasha`s, his
brother, over the swamp. When Jasha`s family heard that we were on the way, (the
dog named Sharik did not want to leave the company of anthropologists, both we
and Aiser shouted at it loudly), so they knew that we were coming. In a short time
they realised that we should be quite near already, and gave a motorbike signal, for
they thought that we may otherwise get lost (TAp 901: 36-37).
It may be that there are a variety of possibilities for orientating oneself using sounds,
however, this aspect has not deserved enough attention during fieldwork.
According to V. Chernecov, a Khant or Mansi hunter follows the traces of animals, so
as to be related to them. Traces have contours characteristic to the animals who left
them, and also, traces have the smell of these animals. People can guess by the
traces what state animals are in, how they behave, and what their intentions
are," (Chernecov 1971: 86).
By the Ai-Pim River, Jasha Kanterov`s wife Galya reported that in the summer a
Khant hunter, when lost, can follow the routes of reindeer herds. He should follow
more recent traces which definitely lead to a seasonal dwelling place, as on
mornings reindeer go near fire to protect themselves from mosquitoes and midges
(FM 1995). According to H. Sarv, in Yuilsk village by the Kazym River, the routes of
reindeer herds (in addition to dogs` bark) showed the vicinity of human settlement
(TAp 678: 12). However, A. Kanterov reported that it is not possible to orientate
oneself using reindeer traces (EA, Leete 1995).
According to S. Lutski, to find traces of animals, one needs special skills and
experience handed over from one hunter to another. So, it is known, for example,
that hares do not move through thick snow, rather, they make routes along which
they move. Also, it is known, which felled trees sables use for crossing rivers (Lutski
1947: 103). Hunters also know in which places otters and musk rats mostly make
their routes when moving from one water to another. A. Kanterov set traps to narrow
and shallow routes between clusters of grass along which they were supposed to
move from one lake to another (TAp 910: 22, 23). By the Pim River a Khant,
Vyatsheslav Pessikov, showed which felled trees, rotten from the inside, ducks use
for building nests. Inside such trees one can find duck eggs (Leete 1994: 34). Also,
some other aspects may inform about the routes and locations of game, such as
their food supplies ( Yelpin 1928: 10).
The Khants living around the Salym River, Yugan River and partly around the Pim
River, have used skis with carved backs. This detail enabled determination of
ownership (Lukina 1985: 22). A Khant fairy-tale tells how, fearing that a snowstorm
would erase the traces, long stripes along the traces were drawn in the snow (Mify
According to A. Kanterov, when one has lost orientation, the last chance would be to
follow one`s own traces (EA, Leete 1995).
In literature there are sporadic data regarding other Siberian peoples` way-finding by
footprints. R. Its writes about the Kett pepole: "My path crossed with a ski route
of wide skis covered with leather. By the trace of the stick`s ring I realized that they
belonged to Harlampi Petrovitsh (Its 1990: 155-156).
The Enets people, to catch a thief, measured the traces of his dogsleigh using a
stick. Then, they looked for it, and its owner turned out to be the thief (Dolgikh, 1962:
82-83). The Nenets have used a similar practice for catching a thief (Istotshniki 1987:
The Yakut heritage says that when throwing things into the river down the current,
people inform relatives about the hero`s arrival (Salve 1995: 116).
The Khants living in the region around the Vasyugan River marked their way by
putting moss on branches, or wiping off fresh snow (Kulemzin, Lukina 1977: 116).
There are some instances of placing moss on branches around the Yugan River
(Bakhlykov 1992: 21) and the Pim River (FM 1991, 1995). Turning points were
marked by bottles on branches (FM 1991, 1992).
To point the direction, the Khants break branches with the tops along the direction of
the route. In the region around the Vasyugan River, people said that the main God,
Torum, used broken branches to show that these were peoples paths, whereas the
rest were for spirits and fairies (Kulemzin & Lukina, 1977: 116).
Branches stuck into the snow also served as landmarks. They may have been
slanted along the direction of the path. They were placed in line with an interval of
some tens metres. When paths went in various directions, unnecessary paths were
covered with branches. The direction was also pointed by branches stuck into the
snow, with pieces of birch bark on top of them (Kulemzin, Lukina, 1977: 121). The
Khants living in the region around the Kazym River said that sometimes the path
through the swamp was not marked in the winter. Should a snowstorm erase traces,
men just ran before a snow-mobile to find the way (FM 1992).
In the region around the Pim River the author saw three branches stacked and
covered with moss to mark the beginning of the route near a lake (FM 1992). A.
Kanterov marked the location of a musk rat trap by sticking a branch into mud (TAp
The Evenk people had signposts ('huva') made of battens and sticks. These
signposts pointed along the direction of the route, and had places crossing the river
on them. On the opposite river bank there was another signpost to point the direction
of the route (Horoshikh 1950: 57, Fig 1). In the winter hunters left branches or sticks
on their way in the snow that were slanted along the direction of the route (Horoshikh
Fastening branches to notches on tree bark slanted toward the direction of the route
was also practiced by the Khants living by the Pim River (EA, Leete 1995).
Young trees were cut down two-fold, with tops pointing along the direction of the
route (FM 1992, Photo. 3).
According to a Khant song, young felled trees are placed on the groung along the
route (OVE 1: 373). In Khant songs there are several descriptions of marking the
way and making signs on tree bark (Eva Schmidt>A. Leete, oral report). The felled
trees were certainly used and warned people against quagmires, for example
(Gorodkof 1911: 27).
According to V. Chernecov, as with branches, so trees were stuck into the snow
slanted along the route. The Mansi peoples made a 'hand mark'(tribe`s mark) on
such trees. This gave information to people coming after them (Istotshniki 1987: 43).
There is an instance that the Mansi people left a reindeer, harnessed to a conical
tent, wandering near the route should it be tired or injured. By the route a tree with a
hand mark was stuck into the snow. This helped to find it afterwards. At the same
time, this informed passers-by to whom the reindeer belonged (ibid.).
To fix the location of a conical tent or dwelling area, the Nenets people made a long
batten for driving a reindeer set ('horei') on the top of the nearest hill. To the batten a
white fur was tied (Homitsh 1986: 17). According to V. Cernechov, the Nenets
people living in the Yomay peninsula used to place piles of reindeer horns as
signposts on tops of hills (Istotshniki 1987: 125).
By the route, some bark was cut from tree trunks with an axe. Nowadays this is the
main way of marking one`s route among the Khant people.
A tree trunk can be notched on one, two, three, or four sides. Trees with notches on
two sides can determine the direction of the route more exactly. Usually the
hypothetical line crossing the two notches is parallel with the route. Before turns, the
position of notches changes in accordance with the direction of the turn (Leete 1994:
25). On trunks growing into one or those growing close together, notches are cut
next to one another pointing similar directions. This is supposed to ease
determination of the exact direction of the route (FM 1991).
Trees are notched as frequently as one could always see the next one. Near Hullor
village by the Kazym River, there is a path of 1.8 kilometres with 144 notched trees
on it (among which 85 are with notches and 59 with signs, i.e. a marked tree every
12.5 metres) (Leete 1994: 25).
According to J. Kanterov, a boat harbour or place for boat landing can also be
marked. Should any strange Khant pass by along the river, he will notice the trees
with notches. He lands knowing that there is human settlement nearby (EA, Leete
1995). J. and G. Kanterov said that notches are also made on tree bark when the
path takes to a rivierside. Also, notches were made when the boats made by
hollowing a tree trunk were dragged along the ground by passing bends in a river. A.
Kanterov said that instead of rowing 3 - 5 kilometres, one must drag the boat along
for only 100 - 200 metres (EA, leete 1995). At the beginning of this century, the
Khants also had fixed places for dragging their boats on their way to dragnet fishing
zones (Sirelius 1983: 70-71). A. Kanterov remembers using these dragging places
when on their way to a bigger settlement (EA, Leete 1995). Today the Khants cover
longer distances by motorboat. By the Pim River the boats made by hollowing a tree
trunk are dragged along the ground only near the seasonal dwelling place around
swampy lakes (TAp 910:24). According to a Khant folk song, notches marked the
places where one could cross the river in the winter (OVE 1: 427).
By the Pim River, a Khant, Volaksi Kanterov, marked trees by the path for
motorbikes (EA, Leete 1995). Aiser Kanterov marked the location of a new winter
dwelling place, and also the way to it not yet trodden (TAp 901: 22). Similarly, A.
Kanterov had marked the path from the deserted autumn settlement (they deserted it
when Aiser`s father Aleksander died) to a new one where Aiser's family and a widow
settled down (TAp 901: 20-21). According to H. Sarv, the Khants living in the
northern region have marked the path before the regular resettlement every 2-3 days
(TAp 678: 16). Timofei Kanterov made notches on the trees that he was going to cut
down when building a winter settlement (TAp 901:33).
Around the Lyamin River branches are partly cut off (near to the top of a tree). This
indicates the beginning of a path for those who are on the opposite bank of the river
(FM 1991; EA, Leete 1995).
In the 19th century some hunter communities from the Petshooramaa region hunted
in the regions to the east of the Urals, thus moving 200-300 miles away from their
homes. They found their way back by following notches cut on tree bark (Passetsky
The Evenk hunters have used removed parts on tree barks as landmarks. Such
marks were called 'il`kon'. In the taiga belt trees are marked by the path every
20...60 metres or more depending on the thickness of the forest, as well as the
degree of visibility and the contours of the landscape. To make it easier, they stuck
small sticks or branches in the notches. These sticks pointed at the nearest
subsequent landmark (Horoshikh 1950: 57; Fig. 1).
Sometimes these landmarks indicated the duration of the hunters` staying away.
"When a hunter goes far from a dwelling place, he sticks a long stick
(honin-huva) into a batten ('huva'), or fastens a stick to it. When he does not go too
far, he puts a small stick (urumkun-huva) into the batten. When the hunter hopes to
be back soon, he fastens the small stick to the long one, with the small one pointing
in the opposite direction (ibid.: 58; Fig. 2). The number
of days the hunter is going
to be away is indicated by rings made by weaving twigs of willow, birch and bird
cherry together (ibid.; Fig. 3Figure 3). People, reindeer
and dogs who are with the hunter
are drawn on tree bark using charcoal (ibid.; Figure 2). Should any member of a
family fall ill, spots were made on tree bark using characoal, with a person on either
one` side or the reverse on it. Should any relation die, this person was drawn with
the face downwards (ibid.: 58-59; Ivanov 1954: 123-124).
Signs cut on tree trunks
Signs ('juh pos' in the Khanty lng.) are cut both on tree bark and the tree trunk
(where the bark has been removed). These signs give additional information to those
who pass by. When anybody wants to provide more exact information about himself,
the family mark is also cut there besides notches.
At the beginning of this century, a Mansi hunter, when moving around in the Ural
mountains cut "the patterns similar to those that were on his hands" into
tree bark. According to some Russian ethnologists, this was done to help to find
hunters who got lost. (Ivanov 1954: 45; Rudenko 1929: 15). In the region around the
Kazym River, a Khant Andrey Lozyamov, explained this as follows: "Later it is
good to see where I have been", (Leete 1994: 26, 28). This can be true, as
around Hullor village, the frequency of landmarks on some paths is far higher than is
necessary for way-finding.
Nowadays there are some elderly Mansi men who make their handmarks in all the
places where they stop when hunting or fishing (Zaplatin 1992(9): 58).
There are also some accounts that the Khants marked trees to indicate where they
have stopped, or as they themselves say, where they have had tea (Leete 1994: 26;
EA, Leete 1995;
Also, they used to mark trees near the traps for
catching capercaillies (Leete 1994: 30;
The Mansi marked the places where they stayed overnight by making their family
marks on either side of a tree, and on the side of the path they made as many
notches as there were people and dogs with them. The three big trees (two cedars
and a spruce) under which they slept, got new names (Istotshniki 1987: 264).
According to Nosilov, sometimes they cut the face of the spirit near the notches. The
faces of the people and the dog cut into the tree bark were dedicated to this spirit
(Karjalainen 1918: 170; Ivanov 1954: 20).
At the beginning of the 20th century there was a custom among the Mansi living in
the southern regions that when having a wedding party in winter, a bride was taken
to the groom's home by a cart. "On the way there special signs were made on
trees indicating the direction along which the bride was taken. The same happens
when the bride is taken away in summer along the river". (Infantyev: 1910,
During the bear festival the Mansi also cut signs on tree bark. The signs were cut on
the side of the path along which the killed animal was taken home. These signs
indicated the number of hunters and dogs, as well as how many bears they killed.
They cut the signs, using a knife, several times on their way (Saynakhova, 1990:
The Khants living in the region around the Kazym River hold that a person going to
the cemetery for the first time, makes a notch on a tree (FM 1992).
In more recent times initials also have been carved into tree bark (ibid.: 26). The
Khants themselves consider the use of the Cyrillic alphabet on tree bark to have
started in the 1970s. However, fieldwork materials indicate that it had started several
decades earlier (ibid.).
The Yakut people used to provide information for those who come after them. They
made signs on tree trunks using charcoal. The information could be about where
they stayed overnight and what they left behind. Those coming later had to take
along the things and wandering reindeer with them (Gribanovski 1946: 283).
On some anthropological interpretations regarding traditional orientation strategies of
some Siberian peoples.
In literature the data regarding marking one's way are sporadic and vary
considerably in time, as well as from region to region. This can be understood, as for
the Khants way-finding is not an independent activity. One cannot have an overall
interpretation of marking one's way. The fieldwork materials that are available mostly
cover few regions only (e.g. around the delta of the Ob River and its tributary rivers,
the Kazym River and the Pim River).
Ethnologists have until now interpreted visual perception and orientation skills of the
peoples living in the tundra and taiga belts by intuition, (for example, interpretations
offered by Freuchen 1963: 21-22; Alekseyenko 1986: 81; Lukina 1986: 127;
Fyodorova 1986: 143; Homitsh 1986: 17; Rolnik 1986: 187). They have all been
examined in the previous work by this author (Leete 1995b, 1996). This may be
considered to be a typical mistake made by applying only qualitative methods to
ethnological studies (see Tulviste 1984: 33-35). Thus, a researcher believes (taking
it for granted) that, for example the Kett, Nenets or the Eskimo people interpret the
environment in a descriptive way. However, when providing loose interpretations and
statements entering the field of psychology, they do so without trying to offer any
reasonable explanation for such phenomena. They say this extraordinary visual
sense is an inborn skill and is handed over from generation to generation. Here
comes an extract typical of romantic and superficial writing:
the Evenk hunters are highly sensitive to the objects that are characteristic of the
tundra environment. When an Evenk goes once along the taiga path, boats along a
curving taiga river, or else finds a hardly noticable ford, he will remember all the
details of the environment, and also all the different path directions, (Horoshikh
In this case it seems to the author that the Evenks remember all the aspects of their
surroundings (as it is natural to do when living in the same environment all the time).
However, when modelling sign systems "this would not be enough,"
(Öim 1974: 63)). In reality, the process of storing things in the memory is not
that uniform and simple. Anyway, Horoshikh has not offered any explanation for his
hypothesis, and thus we do not have much to go on when examining traditional
orientation skills. There are quite a number of incidents of the phenomenon where
the supporters of a particular culture cannot explain the need for orientation skills:
they take it for granted, (Middendorff 1987: 88; Leete 1955b: 54-55). Yet for
researchers, following a similar pattern would probably be a mistake.
Although this paper deals with general culture-bound orientation skills, within even
one region there can be several orientation strategies, (even though that there is not
enough proof). It is for every member of the Khant community to decide which
strategy he or she chooses, and to consider other orientation strategies to be
nonsensical though approved within the same region. So, the Khants living in the
region around the Pim River use reindeer footprints for way-finding in the morning
somewhat differently (EA, Leete 1995; above). Also, the Khants living in the region
around the Kazym River have cut signs on trees in a different manner. In Hullor
village, near its tributary the Amnya River, most of the signs are cut on the notched
parts of tree trunks, whereas in Yuilsk village most of them have been cut on tree
bark (FM, 1992). What a particular supporter of the community chooses may depend
upon his or her understanding, as well as sympathies of the community as a whole.
Also, this may be caused by the fact of what kind of objects are there in a particular
environment, or is there any need for the use of traditional orientation skills. People
may be skilled in doing so, though they may not be in use any longer (Tomilov 1986:
There is no hierarchical difference between not marking one's way and marking it in
any way imaginable. Reported accounts do not always reveal what the process of
making landmarks was like. Paths need not always be marked, people may just
know them. During the fieldwork of 1992, it appeared that there was a path along
which one could go on foot from the city of Beloyarsk to Yuilsk village in the
Beryozovo region. Also, there were paths from Yuilsk village to the seasonal
dwelling places by which there were huts for staying overnight (FM, 1992).
Marking one's way depends on some more aspects, such as the seasons. According
to Aiser Kanterov, in summer moss is often used for marking one's way near the Pim
River. They used to cut a small piece of moss using a knife, and place it on a branch.
"In winter they make notches on trees , place sticks and cut off branches, so
that they can be seen. Branches are cut from big trees so that to be seen from long
distances, a kilometre or so," he said, (EA, Leete 1995, above).
Orientation does not depend only on the details of the landscape or the way of
marking one's way. A Khant, Dmitri Pokatshev, living in the Russinskye village by the
Tromygan River told the following story:
Once my uncle's reindeer wandered off. The uncle followed the same direction
which the reindeer had taken, but he found no footprints. Then he took out an axe
and started to say mantras. He at once realized where his reindeer was (EA 234:
121). Orientation strategies in relation to the traditional conception of interpreting the
landscape of the Khants and Samoyed peoples have been discussed further in
some other papers (Leete 1996). The possible relationship of the traditional
conceptions of modelling the landscape (both vertical and horizontal) cannot be
explained overall. Nowadays, when moving in the landscape, the Khants probably
use less complicated strategies than those of interpreting the events afterwards. In
the latter case the traditional conception of interpreting the landscape is more
Also, the socialization process, economic systems and sex roles have been
suggested as affecting the process of acquiring orientation skills and visual
perception. However, no one has been able to estimate the exact involvement of
each factor, (Cole & Scribner 1977: 109-112). Perhaps traditional way-finding
habits cannot be explained according to their single components, as they make up
one of the most archaic and inseparable component of the emic worldview as a
Translated by Epp Uustalu.
Photographs and figures
- A view of the tundra landscape. On the Shtshutshye River near
Laborovaya village, Priuralsky region. In front: reindeer herders' cemetery where
people are interred above the ground. Photograph by Art Leete 1994;
- A view of the taiga landscape on the Pim River, Surgut region. Photograph
by Art Leete 1995.
- A tree cut down pointing along the direction of a path by the Kazym River
near Yuilsk village, Beryozovo region. Photograph by Art Leete 1995.
- A sign on a tree trunk near a fireplace, made by the Khants by the Kazym
River near Hullor village, Beryozovo region. There have been two people, the
Peskofs' family mark has been engraved there. The meaning of the large zigzag
shape is unknown. Photograph by Art Leete 1992.
- A sign on a tree trunk near the trap for catching capercaillies by the
Kazym River near Hullor village, Beryozovo region. At the centre: a sign indicating
the traps, whereas the notches around it indicate that both to the left and right of the
tree there are two lines of traps. Photograph by Art Leete 1992.
- Marks (il'kon) cut into a tree trunk by the Evenks, used as signposts. Made
by P. Horoshikh (1950).
- A signpost made of sticks (honin-huva) by an Evenk hunter pointing along
the direction he went, and also indicating that he will be back soon. The hunter, as
well as reindeer and dogs with him are drawn on the tree bark using charcoal. Made
by P. Horoshikh (1950).
- The signposts pointing along the direction the Evenk hunter had taken. 15
rings indicate the number of days the hunter is planning to be away. Made by P.
Alekseenko, J. 1986. Promyslovaja kul'tura korennogo naselenija Turuhanskogo
regiona. Kul'turnyje tradicii narodov Sibiri. Leningrad, pp. 57-94.
Bahlõkov, P. 1992. Istorija, byt, kul'tura juganskih hanty. Jugra,
Hanty-Mansiisk. nr. 3, s. 21-28; nr. 4, s. 18-27; nr. 5, s. 15-23; nr. 6, s. 19-24; nr.
7, s. 20-23.
Cole, M., Scribner, S. 1977. Kul'tura i myshlenije. Psikhologiczeskij oczerk.
Derrida, J. 1995. Positsioonid. Tallinn.
Dolgihh, B. M. 1962. Bytovye rasskazy entsev. Trudy Instituta Etnografii. n.s.,
t. LXXV. Moskva-Leningrad.
Fjodorova, J. G. 1986. Elementy tradicionnogo v sovremennykh hozjaistvennykh
zanyatiyakh mansi. Kul'turnye tradicii narodov Sibiri. Leningrad, pp.
Freuchen, P. 1964. Kütid Melville'i lahes. Tallinn.
Gorodkov, B. 1911. Poezdka v Salymskii krai. Jezhegodnik Tobolskogo
muzea. vyp. XXI, lk. 1-100.
Gribanovski N. N. 1946. Svedeniya o pisanicakh Jakuti. Soveckaya
Arheologiya. VIII, pp. 281-284.
Homich L. V. 1986. Kul'turnye tradicii v trudovoi deyatelnosti i materyal'noi kul'ture
olenevodov severa Zapadnoi Sibiri. Kul'turnye tradicii narodov Sibiri.
Leningrad, pp. 12- 41.
Horoshihh, P. P. 1950. Put'evye znaki evenkov-okhotnikov (Iz materyalov po
etnografii evenkov r. Nizhne Tunguski). Kratkiye Soobshczenia Instituta Etnografii
imeni N. N. Miklukho-Maklaya. Moskva-Leningrad, t. 10, pp. 57-59.
Istotshniki 1987 = Istoczniki po etnografii Zapadnoj Sibiri. Tomsk.
Jelpin A. 1928. Kak my poimali i soderzhali lisyat. (Iz zhizni ostyakov Kondinskogo
rayona). Taiga i Tundra, Leningrad. nr. 1, pp. 10-12.
Infantyev, P. P. 1910. Putesestvije v stranu vogulov. Sankt-Peterburg.
Its, R. 1990. Shepot Zemli i molczanije Neba. Etnograficzeskie etyudy o
tradicionnykh narodnykh verovaniyakh, Moskva.
Ivanov, S. V. 1954. Materyaly po izobrazitel'nomu isskustvu Sibiri XIX - naczala XX
vv. Trudy Instituta Etnografii, n.s., t. XXII. Moskva-Leningrad.
Karjalainen, K. F. 1918. Jugralaisten uskonto. Suomensuvun uskonnot 3.
Kulemzin, V. M. & Lukina, N. V. 1977. Vasyugansko-vahovskie hanty v
konce XIX- naczale XX vv. Tomsk.
Leete, A. 1992. Obiugri märgipärimuse aspekte.
Seminaritöö. (Käsikiri). Tartu.
Leete, A. 1994. Handi piltkiri puutüvedel. Peaseminaritöö.
Leete, A. 1995a. Handi puumärkide mõistmise
"mõistmine". Eksitaja. Pro Folkloristica 3. Tartu, pp.
Leete, A. 1995b. Arhailine kiri. Orienteerumisest taiga- ja tundravööndi
kultuurides. Vikerkaar, nr. 12, pp. 50-57.
Leete, A. 1996. Taiga- ja tundrarahvaste ruumitundmisest seoses
orienteerumisviisidega. Eesti Rahva Muuseumi aastaraamat, nr 41.
Lukina, N. V. 1985. Formirovaniye material'noi kul'tury khantov. Tomsk.
Lukina, N. V. 1986. Kul'turnye tradicii v hozaistvennoi dejatel'nosti khantov.
Kul'turnye tradicii narodov Sibiri. Leningrad, pp. 121- 138.
Lutski, S. L. 1947. Geograficzeskie oczerki russkoi taigi. Moskva.
Middendorff, A. Th. 1987. Reis Taimõrile. Tallinn.
Mify 1990 = Mify, predaniya, skazki hantov i mansi. Moskva.
OVE I = Steinitz W. 1975. Ostjakologische Arbeiten band 1. Ostjakische
Volksdichtung und Erzählungen aus zwei Dialekten Texte. Budapest.
Passetski, V. 1970. Eestist pärit Arktika-uurijad. Tallinn.
Rolnik, I. A. 1986. Nacional'nye tradicii i hudozhestvennoe tvorczestvo neneckikh
detei Jamala. Kul'tura narodnostei Severa: tradicii i sovremennost'.
Novosibirsk, pp. 182-189.
Rudenko, S. 1929. Graficzeskoye isskustvo ostyakov i vogulov. Materyaly po
etnografii. t. IV, vyp. 2, pp. 13-40.
Salve, K. 1995. Kangelassugu Siberist läänemeresoomlasteni.
Ajalaval. Helsinki-Tartu, pp. 112-127.
Sainahhova, N. V. 1995. Manside usundist. Rahvausund
tänapäeval. Tartu, pp. 354-356.
Sirelius, U. T. 1983. Reise zu den Ostjaken. Helsinki.
Zaplatin, M. 1992. Tapsvatpaul': zimnije dni. Jugra, Hanty-Mansiisk, nr. 9, pp.
56-61; nr. 10, pp. 58-61; nr. 11, pp. 59-62; nr. 12, pp. 58-61.
Tomilov, N. A. 1986. Osnovnye tendencii etnokul'turnykh processov u korennykh
narodov Tobolo-Irtyshkogo regiona na sovremennom etape. Kul'tura narodnostei
Severa: tradicii i sovremennost'. Novosibirsk, pp. 49-59.
Tshernetsov, V. N. 1971. Naskal'nye izobrazheniya Urala. Arheologiya
SSSR. Svod arheologiczeskikh istocznikov, vyp. V4-12, cz. 2, Moskva.
Tulviste, P. 1984. Mõtlemise muutumisest ajaloos. Tallinn.
Õim, H. 1974. Semantika. Tallinn.