PROLEGOMENA TO A HISTORY OF STORY-TELLING AROUND THE BALTIC SEA,
The following essay was originally presented to a folkloristic conference
devoted to the "Documentation and Analysis of Baltic Mentality"
(*1) and was designed to fulfill three purposes: It was
to serve as a
historical introduction to the theme of the conference, draw attention to
some methodological problems and propose avenues for future research. The
revised version published here still follows the original line of thought
without any attempt to discuss all questions exhaustively.
German- and Dutch-speaking folklorists have conducted a substantial amount
of research in recent years on the background of the nineteenth-century
collections of folk narratives, while their colleagues in North America and
Scandinavia have preferred to concentrate on the interpretation of these
texts without concerning themselves too much with the question of how the
sources came into being. The leading figure in German research has been
Rudolf Schenda, whose well-written and provocative outline of the history
of story-telling in Europe questions many long-standing assumptions of
It is by now well-known that the works of the Grimm Brothers triggered the
large-scale collecting of folk narratives of the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. However, the Grimm Brothers' own collections
(Kinder- und Hausmärchen, 1812-15, Deutsche Sagen, 1816-18),
despite claims to the contrary, are for the most part not collected from the
"folk" but are derived from bourgeois and literary sources of various
Although the concepts of folk narrative and of its genres (legend, fairy tale,
etc.) were an invention of the Grimm Brothers and their disciples, there can
be no doubt that tales (which we today would classify as folk narratives) were
spread orally and in writing prior to the age of romanticism. What were these
stories and how were they told? Rudolf Schenda has shown us the lead, but a
detailed history of story-telling remains to be written. The amount of data to
be processed for all of Europe is far too large to be handled by an individual
scholar, whereas the study of a small region(*5) might be
too specific to
reach conclusions valid for research in general. Work concentrating on the
Baltic Sea area, however, promises to be very rewarding, while still being
manageable in size.
The classic example of a study of culture around a sea is the book on the
Mediterranean by Fernand Braudel, La Méditerranée et le
monde méditerranéen à l'époque de Philippe II
, published for the first time in 1949,(*6) dealing
among other things
with the physical geography, the climate, the means of communication and the
economy of the region. A similar line of enquiry, concerning the North Sea,
is now being pursued by the Dutch scholar Lex Heerma van Voss.
(*7) In the
following I shall restrict myself to two unifying factors of immediate
relevance for folk narratives, that is, religion(*8)
By the end of the Middle Ages all countries around the Baltic Sea had
converted to Christianity. Apart from the easternmost shores under Russian
influence all coastal areas were subjected to the authority of the Pope in
Rome. In the sixteenth century almost all of these areas adopted the
Wittenberg Reformation. Only Lithuania (in the period dealt with here not
bordering on the Baltic Sea) and large parts of Poland (with the exeption
of territories like Prussia, Courland, Danzig and most areas bordering on
the Baltic Sea) remained Catholic. Lutheranism extended also beyond the
shores of the Baltic Sea, to the Northwest until Iceland and to the South
The second unifying factor was language. Latin as the language of the church
and learned exchange(*9) was a legacy of the Western
medieval church - but
this was common to all of Western Europe. Much more important as a lingua
franca was Low German. It was the language spoken by Hanseatic merchants
but was also used by craftsmen and the administration of the Scandinavian
kingdoms. From the sixteenth century onward it was increasingly being
replaced by High German, first in writing and later (but not entirely) in
oral communication.(*10) Again, Low German was also spoken
outside the Baltic Sea area, notably along the Southern shores of the North
An analysis on the lines of Braudel or Heerma van Voss (who includes the
Western part of the Baltic Sea into his concept of North Sea culture) would
show many traits that were common to most of the Baltic Sea area without
being exclusive to the area. Some traits would be shared with areas to the
West, others with areas to the South, etc. Another question which could be
raised is how far cultural phenomena stretched inland and among which social
groups they were to be found. However, a general picture of the Baltic Sea
area would still show that there was a bundle of unifying factors quite
distinct as a whole from that of other areas. Two items in this bundle were
religion and the lingua franca.
The dissolution of the Soviet Union has made it possible again to focus on
a common heritage and - not least - on common problems to solve in the
countries around the Baltic Sea. However, already in the seventeenth century
the area was viewed as a unity by some writers. In 1624 Niels Heldvad (about
whom more below) thought that the circulus balticus was composed of
the following countries: Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Livonia, Courland, Prussia,
Pomerania, Mecklenburg, Holstein and Schleswig.(*11)
This list calls for
some explanation. The West Swedish province of Bohuslän belonged to
Norway in Heldvad's time, justifying that country's inclusion in the list.
Heldvad did not mention Finnland because he probably saw it as part of
Sweden, which ruled all coastal areas around the Gulf of Finland. Russia
and Lithuania did not border on the Baltic Sea and could therefore be omitted.
Poland, however, did so. It might have been beyond Heldvad's horizon because
of the foreign language spoken there or because of the foreign religion
practised by the majority of its inhabitants (although the coastal areas
were mainly inhabited by Lutherans).
The populations around the Baltic Sea were neither static nor ethnically
homogeneous. German merchants settled in towns like Visby, Riga, Tallinn
(Reval), Vyborg (Wiborg, Viborg, Viipuri), Stockholm, etc., soon to be
followed by craftsmen. The German percentage of the town population around
the Baltic Sea was high. In some areas the Germans assimilated more or less
quickly with the local population, while in a number of towns (mainly in
Livonia and Courland) they retained a hold on political power throughout
the entire early modern period.(*12) Although Germans were
group of foreign immigrants, they were not the only one. Dutch immigrants
settled in the Baltic Sea area, as did Scots, Walloons and other groups.
(*13) In the towns on the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea there were also
Migrants did not only come from the West. Finns looked for a livelihood in
Sweden and Estonia, while Swedes settled in Finland and Estonia. Danes,
however, seem only to a rather small extent to have settled those areas
around the Baltic Sea that once were under Danish rule (Gotland, Rügen
and parts of Estonia).
As a consequence of these migrations, there were numerous foreign language
churches within the Lutheran state churches of the area (German congregations
in most larger towns, Finnish churches in Sweden, Swedish churches in Finland
and Estonia). Until the seventeenth century, however, there were only very few
non-Lutheran churches for foreigners in the area (e. g. for Russians in
We have to reckon with a fair degree of bi- and trilingualism. We should also
remember that around 1700 only in a few areas was the language of
administration spoken by the majority of the population. This was the case in
the Polish-speaking areas of Poland, in Denmark (though not in the dependent
territories) and in those parts of Sweden that had not been taken from
Denmark - Norway. The Low - German speaking areas as well as Estonia and Latvia
had to cope with a High German administration, Lithuanians with a Polish one
and Finns with a Swedish one.
To conclude, there were ample possibilities for cross-fertilization, both
through personal contacts and through the cultural innovations introduced by
trade (e. g. of books).(*15) This has long been recognized
in the field of
linguistics: Etymological dictionaries for the languages around the Baltic
Sea list many loanwords from Low or High German and show other influences as
well, notably the impact of Swedish on Finnish. Recently it has also been
argued that eating habits still are influenced by the Hanseatic past.
Already in the early days of folkloristics as an academic discipline the
question of the migration of tales was discussed vividly. The many languages
of the Baltic Sea area do not seem to have presented barriers for the
migration of stories. On the contrary, tales seem to have travelled as widely
in the area as people and merchandise.
I should like to highlight this with some examples drawn from the work of
Niels Heldvad (or Nicolaus Helduaderus) (1564-1634).(*17)
Heldvad took his
name from his home village Hellevad (German: Hellewatt) in the northern part
of the Duchy of Schleswig. After attending grammar schools at Flensburg,
Haderslev (Hadersleben), Luneburg and Lubeck, he spent a year in Riga and
the surrounding area (1586/87), mainly working as a private tutor. He
continued his education at Rostock University until 1590 when he was
appointed to succeed his father as pastor of Hellevad. Due to Heldvad's
opposition against the Calvinizing policies of the ducal government, he
lost his post in 1611. From 1616 onward he earned his living in Copenhagen
as royal calendar and almanac maker and wrote books on diverse subjects.
Heldvad published in the literary languages current in his home village and
in Copenhagen, that is, Danish, High German and Low German. Of his many
publications, a High German book of 1624 is devoted to the history of the
countries around the Baltic Sea, the circulus balticus. A rather
superficial perusal already shows that many of the stories told would today
qualify as folklore. Here is an example:
Am PalmSontag  / war der 6. Aprilis / ist die vornehme Kauff:
vnnd Handelstadt Bergen in Norwegen / vnter der Predigt vnnd dem Gottesdienst
/ durch Vnachtsamkeit einer BrandtweinKrügerschen / mit Fewer angesteckt
/ vnnd gleich wie Sodoma in einer Eyl zergangen / vnd alles in die Asche
geleget(*18) / welches eine grewliche Straffe
On Palm Sunday, 6 April , the notable commercial town of
Bergen in Norway caught fire during the sermon and the divine service through
the negligence of a female publican, and perished in a hurry like Sodom, and
everything was turned to ashes, which was a terrible punishment of God."
A similar story is told in Theatrum Europæum, compiled in
Frankfort-on-the-Main mainly on the basis of newspapers and pamphlets. Here
In dem April hat die Statt Bergen in Norwegen durch Fewers Noth grossen
Schaden erlitten / welcher auff viel Tonnen Gold geschätzet worden: In
dem diese Statt fast gantz sampt der Kirchen in die Aschen gelegt worden /
vnnd weil die Häuser fast alle Höltzern gewesen / hat der Brand
desto schrecklicher vnd geschwinder vberhand genommen.
In April the town of Bergen in Norway suffered great damage through fire.
The costs were estimated to amount to many tons of gold. Almost the entire
town including the church was turned to ashes, and since nearly all houses
were built of wood, the fire could ravage all the more terribly and quickly.
The text explains the rôle of Bergen in Norwegian trade and gives a
reason for the fire: The German merchants in Bergen, fearing that their
numbers would increase too much, had devised several "games"
newcomers had to play. In this way they wanted to deter rich milksops from
joining them. The "games" included whipping the newcomers, throwing
them into the sea, pulling them with ropes under the keel of a ship and
hanging them in a basket above an intensely smoking fire. Occasionally,
candidates had died under the procedure, which had led a pastor to prophesy
God's punishment for this cruel treatment.(*21)
The explanation of the conflagration as God's punishment which we already
find in Heldvad's book is here much more detailed. The German merchant colony
in Bergen was notorious for the rough "games" played with newcomers.
Despite several orders from the authorities, these initiation rites continued
to be practised until the second half of the seventeenth century.
It has as yet not been possible to trace the source for these two accounts.
In Heldvad's case it is conceivable that he had heard oral news in Copenhagen.
In the case of the Theatrum Europæum it seems more likely that
the story is based on some written news report.(*23) It is
that the reports contain traditional elements. Ever since the destruction of
Sodom and Gomorrah evil-doing towns were said to have been destroyed by God's
wrath.(*24) New reports of this type were still appearing
in Heldvad's day.
In the year of his birth several towns were reported to have been destroyed.
(*25) At about the same time two Saxon prophetesses
referred to an "old
prophecy about how Freiberg shall sink into the earth and Dresden shall
drown".(*26) When Heldvad was twelve years old,
the town of Timisoara
in present-day Romania was reported to have disappeared.
(*27) From the year
that Bergen was destroyed we have the probably oldest detailed version of a
tale telling about the destruction of Rungholt on the West coast of the Duchy
of Schleswig, due to the ungodliness of its inhabitants.
(*28) Three years
after the publication of Heldvad's book a school-boy held a penitential
sermon from the church-tower at Jönköping. One of his prophecies
was that Jönköping would sink into the earth if its inhabitants
did not repent.(*29) Most of these stories have in common
that they interprete
current events through the lenses of a narrative tradition.
It would be worth-while to analyse Heldvad's entire book with the methods of
historical narrative research (Historische Erzählforschung), while
at the same time paying attention to what he included under the concept of
circulus balticus. It seems likely that he only collected items
available in the languages he could read (in addition to the languages he
published in, at least Swedish and Latin), thus leaving out publications in
Polish. In Heldvad's days, there was hardly anything printed in Lithuanian,
Latvian and Estonian, and books in Finnish mostly contained basic religious
texts which he was well acquainted with in his own languages. Heldvad's
selection of suitable material seems also to have been influenced by his
origins, with special emphasis being placed on the Duchies of Schleswig and
Holstein and the Kingdom of Denmark-Norway. It will also be possible to
recognize his confessional standpoint: whole-heartedly Lutheran, vehemently
anti-Calvinist and comparatively friendly to the Catholic tradition.
Heldvad's writings serve also as a useful reminder of the traps we should be
aware of when dealing with nineteenth-century collections of folk narratives.
His works are among the sources of Just Mathias Thiele's collection of Danish
legends from the first half of the nineteenth century.(*30)
One of the so-called legends is taken from a Danish book of 1618 containing
stories related to the ecclesiastical calendar, in which Heldvad tells many
well-known stories from the European tradition without adapting them to local
I shall quote Heldvad's version which he enters under St. Martin's Day, 11
November. After telling the legend of St. Martin as well as referring to the
eating customs connected to the day, he adds:
Men det drog sig oc en gang til / at en slem / Gudsfragangene / Tiuffactige
Møller / som icke vilde søge Christelig oc Ærlig samquem /
met sine Naboer / men gick til Møllen / der hans Naboer ginge til Gilde
/ at forsøge Bondens Sæcke huad de formaatte / thi hannem siuntes
at hand haffde nu best leylighed til at bruge sine Tiuffactige Hænder /
effter sin gamle vijs oc vane. Huad skede? Dieffeluen kom Liffactig til hannem
/ vdi Møllen / oc sagde: Volan Staldbroder / huad giør du? ieg
forstaar du sysler i fremmede Poser / wi ville nu en gang maale tilsammen /
huorledis det vil skicke sig. Dermet opløffte hand Møllestenen
/ oc stack Mølleren der vnder / drog saa Stiffborden oc Møllen
løs / oc maalede hannem saa smaa som Mask. Der dette rycte spurdis
offuer det gantske Land / oc alle omliggende Grentzer / da forsuorede
Møllerne hannem / saa at ingen Erlig Møller mand maaler
Korn paa S. Mortens dag.(*31)
But it happened also once that a bad, godless and thievish miller, who
did not want to have Christian and honest company with his neighbours, went
to the mill while his neighbours went to a feast. He investigated the
peasants' sacks since he thought that he now had the best opportunity to
use his thievish hands after his old way and custom. What happened? The
Devil appeared in person to him in the mill and said: Good friend, what
are you doing? I understand that you are working in foreign pockets. Let
us now mill together and see how that will go. He lifted the millstone,
put the miller under it, opened the sluice gate, started the mill and
ground him to pieces. When this rumour spread over the whole country and
all neighbouring areas, the millers disowned him. The result is that no
honest miller will work on St. Martin's Day.
Thiele retells the story with only minor variations in the first edition
of his collection,(*32) and again, stylistically
somewhat reworked, in the
second edition.(*33) In 1845, Karl Müllenhoff
published a collection of
Schleswig-Holsteinian legends and fairy-tales which also contains this story.
His rendering is a translation from Thiele's second version, again with a few
variations.(*34) Müllenhoff's reason for including
this tale was
probably that the original author was born in the Duchy of Schleswig. It
should be noted though that not even the nineteenth-century versions fix the
story to a specific locality. However, ever since then, the tale has figured
as a Danish or Schleswig-Holsteinian folk narrative.
A study of Heldvad alone obviously would not solve the questions raised at
the outset. A study of other kinds of sources such as secular and
ecclesiastical archival records,(*35) autobiographies,
(*36) travel accounts,(*37) miracle
reports,(*38) peasant diaries,(*3939)
funeral tales(*40) or pamphlets(*41)
should make it possible to investigate how people told tales
around the Baltic Sea in the period from about 1550 to 1800. It should also
be possible to determine in what way tales influenced people's actions and
their perceptions of reality. Inevitably, many of the tales to be analysed
in this way will not be covered by the narrow definitions of folk narrative
developed in the nineteenth century.
I shall take the second suggestion first: One example of how tales influenced
the perception of reality is the story about Sodom and Gomorrah and the fire
in Bergen. Another example is ghost-stories. In pagan times a meeting with
ghosts was very dangerous, in the Middle Ages they developed into less
threatening souls returning from purgatory, and after the Reformation they
fulfilled new functions, which theologically were quite difficult to explain.
At any time, however, a mysterious meeting in a dark place would be
interpreted according to stories heard before.
Secondly, how did people tell stories and how did they regard these stories?
I should like to draw a very rough sketch of developments as I can discern
them at the moment: Obviously, since time immemorial people have talked to
each other and told stories about things that have happened. Even though
indices of motifs and types contain references to medieval texts,
should like to doubt if these texts were perceived as fiction by their authors
and the medieval readers (or listeners). Lutheran theologians distinguished
between historiæ and fabulæ. Exempla told by
a pastor were historiæ (true and useful stories), but miracles
told in Catholic literature were fabulæ (invented and harmful
lies) - Catholics, of course, viewed the matter the other way round. The main
category was Truth, not a modern division into genres. The term historia
clearly also covered stories we today would call history, but it is
rather telling that a historico-topographical work of the late sixteenth
century could be concluded with an "index ... according to the Ten
Commandments ... for the benefit of poor pastors who cannot afford the
large Promptuaria Exemplorum". In other words, it was being
prepared for use in sermons.(*43)
It is my impression that oral prose tales (which later came to be called
legends or fairy tales) in the early modern period were told as real events.
Tales about supernatural beings, although containing well-known motifs and
types, were told as memorates. We should remember that the boundaries between
real and unreal or credible and uncredible were drawn differently by people in
those days than by nineteenth- and twentieth-century academics.
It was only in the course of the eighteenth century that things began to
change. The eighteenth century was the period in high culture in which
fictional literature (mainly novels) became firmly established in the
book-market. Reading habits changed as well: Instead of studying few books
intensively, readers started to read many books more cursorily and only once.
Reading societies were founded, printing presses were established in the
provinces, and the authorities conceded a limited freedom of the press.
It was at this time that fictionalised tales - which earlier had been
rejected on religious grounds(*45) - started to reach a
larger section of
society. This was also the period when the words for legend and fairy-tale
in the Germanic languages took on their present meaning.(*46)
The Grimm Brothers concentrated and codified literary developments of the
late eighteenth century.(*47) With the publication,
translation and imitation
of the Kinder- und Hausmärchen, as well as with the sale of
individual fairy tales as cheap booklets, a new literary taste spread among
the lower classes, which earlier only had had access to Luther's Small
Catechism, the official hymnal, almanacs, penny godlies and penny dreadfuls.
(*48) The collections in folklore archives therefore
only document - and this
may sound rather banal - the folk narratives of the period of collection.
These were not stories that had been handed down unchanged by the fire-side
by word of mouth since time immemorial but only records of more or less oral
performances which were the result of formal (compulsory school attendance)
(*49) or informal literary training only available
since the nineteenth
A history of story-telling around the Baltic Sea in the period from about
1550 to 1800 will show how the corpus of folk narratives and the
concepts of genres developed through the centuries and how both drastically
changed at the time of the Grimm Brothers. It will not only reveal to what
extent there were similarities, differences and influences between the
regions concerned but also how they were caused.
I should like to argue that similarities in folk narratives around the Baltic
Sea are less due to a common geography but more to a common religion and a
lingua franca. The fact that the Baltic Sea to a large extent was a
mare lutheranicum enabled the same kind of stories to be spread in
populations with similarities in reading habits and formal or informal modes
of censorship. This is most obvious for the field of religious narratives,
but I think it had an important influence on secular narratives as well.
A meaningful analysis of narratives in the folklore archives must be based
on a clear awareness of these developments.
1. Held at Visby, Gotland, 23-24 May 1997, under the auspices of the
Gotland Centre for Baltic Studies.
2. Discussions with Michael Chesnutt (Copenhagen) and Michael Driedger
(Mainz), both of whom remain critical of different parts of my argument,
have helped me clarify my position.
3. Rudolf Schenda: Von Mund zu Ohr. Bausteine zu einer Kulturgeschichte
volkstümlichen Erzählens in Europa, Goettingen 1993; cf. my
review in: Historische Zeitschrift 261 (1995), p. 108-111; cf. also Rudolf
Schenda & Hans ten Doornkaat (eds.): Sagenerzähler und Sagensammler
der Schweiz. Studien zur Produktion volkstümlicher Geschichte und
Geschichten vom 16. bis zum frühen 20. Jahrhundert, Berne &
4. Kinder- und Hausmärchen, 4 vols., ed. Hans-Jörg Uther, Munich
1996; Deutsche Sagen, 3 vols., ed. Hans-Jörg Uther & Barbara
Kindermann-Bieri, Munich 1993; Heinz Rölleke: Wo das Wünschen
noch geholfen hat". Gesammelte Aufsätze zu den Kinder- und
Hausmärchen" der Brüder Grimm (=Wuppertaler Schriftenreihe
Literatur, vol. 23), Bonn 1985.
5. Cf. the thorough study of West Frisia by Jurjen van der Kooi:
Volksverhalen in Friesland. Lectuur en mondelinge overlevering. Een
typencatalogus (diss. Groningen) (=Estrikken, vol. 63; =Nedersaksische
Studies, vol. 6), Groningen (1984).
6. 2 vols., Paris 31976.
7. Lex Heerma van Voss: North-Sea Culture, 1500-1800, in: id. &
Juliette Roding (eds.): The North-Sea and Culture (1550-1800), Hilversum
1996, p. 21-40.
8. Cf. Wolfgang Brückner (ed.): Volkserzählung und Reformation.
Ein Handbuch zur Tradierung und Funktion von Erzählstoffen und
Erzählliteratur im Protestantismus, Berlin 1974; id.: Konfession,
Konfessionen, in: Enzyklopädie des Märchens, vol. 8, Berlin &
New York 1994-96, col. 116-122.
9. Nova literaria maris balthici & septentrionis collecta Lubecæ
1698-1708; Outi Merisalo & Raija Sarasti-Wilenius (eds.): Mare balticum -
mare nostrum. Latin in the Countries of the Baltic Sea (1500-1800)
(=Suomalaisen tiedeakatemian toimituksia / Annales academiæ scientiarum
fennicæ, Ser. B, vol. 274), Helsinki 1994.
10. Vibeke Winge: Dänische Deutsche - deutsche Dänen. Geschichte
der deutschen Sprache in Dänemark 1300-1800 mit einem Ausblick auf das
19. Jahrhundert (=Sprachgeschichte, vol. 1), Heidelberg 1992; Kurt Erich
Schöndorf, Kai-Erik Westergaard & Karl Hyldgaard-Jensen (eds.):
Niederdeutsch in Skandinavien. Akten des 1. nordischen Symposions
Niederdeutsch in Skandinavien" in Oslo 27. 2. - 1. 3. 1985 (=Beihefte
zur Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, vol. 4), Berlin 1987. Several
valuable conference proceedings on "Niederdeutsch in Skandinavien"
11. Nicolaus Helduaderus [Heldvad]: SYLVA CHRONOLOGICA CIRCULI BALTICI, Das
ist: Historischer Wald / vnnd Vmbzirck deß Baltischen Meers oder der
OstSee ... Die Denckwirdigste Geschichte / so sich in Dennemarck / Norwegen
/ Schweden / Lieffland / Churland / Preussen / Pommern / Meckelnburg /
Hollstein / Schleßwig / vnd dero anstossenden Ländern /
Städten vnd Ortern zugetragen ..., 2 vols., Hamburg 1624. Nova
literaria (cf. n. 9) collects literary news from a similar list of countries.
12. Paul Johansen & Heinz von zur Mühlen: Deutsch und undeutsch im
mittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Reval (=Ostmitteleuropa in
Vergangenheit und Gegenwart, vol. 15), Cologne & Vienna 1973; Allan
Tønnesen: Helsingørs udenlandske borgere og indbyggere ca.
1550-1600 (=Byhistoriske Skrifter, vol. 3), Ringe 1985; Winge (cf. n. 10);
Robert Schweitzer: Die Wiborger Deutschen (=Saksalaisen kulttuurin
edistämissäätiön julkaisuja, vol. 3), Helsinki 1993.
13. Tønnesen (cf. n. 12); Vibeke Winge: Zur Sprache und Geschichte
der niederländischen Bauern auf der Insel Amager bei Kopenhagen, in:
Hubertus Menke (ed.): Die Niederlande und der europäische Nordosten.
Ein Jahrtausend weiträumiger Beziehungen (700-1700). Vorträge.
Symposium Kiel, 8.-11. Oktober 1989 (=Landesforschung, vol. 1),
Neumünster 1992, p. 329-337; Winge (cf. n. 10), p. 335-345; Ole Peter
Grell: Huguenot and Walloon contributions to Swedens's emergence as a European
power, 1560-1648, in: Proceedings of the Huguenot Society 25 (1992), p.
14. Schweitzer (cf. n. 12); Arnold Soom: Der Handel Revals im siebzehnten
Jahrhundert (=Marburger Ostforschungen, vol. 29), Wiesbaden 1969.
15. Cf. also Lex Heerma van Voss: Trade and the Formation of North Sea
Culture, in: Northern Seas Yearbook 1996, p. 7-19
16. Günter Wiegelmann & Ruth-E. Mohrmann (eds.): Nahrung und
Tischkultur im Hanseraum (=Beiträge zur Volkskultur in
Nordwestdeutschland, vol. 91), Münster & New York 1996.
17. Cf. H[ans] V[aldemar] Gregersen: Niels Heldvad. Nicolaus Helduaderus.
En biografi (=Skrifter, udgivne af Historisk samfund for
Sønderjylland, vol. 17), Copenhagen 1957; id. & R[ichard] Paulli:
Heldvad, Niels, in: Dansk biografisk leksikon, vol. 6, Copenhagen 1980,
p. 206 sq.
18. The fire - though severe it was - did not destroy the entire town
([Mikel Hofnagels] optegnelser. 1596-1676, in: N. Nicolaysen (ed.): Norske
Magasin, vol. 2, Christiania 1868, p. 165-233, here p. 187 sq.).
19. Heldvad (cf. n. 11), vol. 2, p. 320 sq.
20. THEATRUM EUROPÆUM ..., [vol. 1,] ed. Johann Philipp Abelinus,
Frankfort-on-the-Main 1662 (1635), p. 787.
22. Julius Harttung: Die Spiele der Deutschen in Bergen, in: Hansische
Geschichtsblätter 1877, p. 87-111; Karl Koppmann: Herluf
Lauritssön's Bericht über die Spiele der Deutschen zu Bergen, ibid.,
23. Haakon Fiskaa: Skrevne og trykte nyhetsblad. Katalog over blad fra og om
Norge dessuten over trykte blad fra andre land i Universitetsbiblioteket i
Oslo, Oslo 1934, does not mention any pamphlet concerning the conflagration
24. Cf. Will-Erich Peuckert: Sodom und Gomorrha, in: Handwörterbuch
des deutschen Aberglaubens, vol. 8, Berlin and Leipzig 1936-37, col. 21-25;
Marianne Beth: Ungastlichkeit, ibid., col. 1415 sq.
25. Ein grausame vnd erschreckliche geschicht vnd zeitung / der grossen vnd
zuuor vnerhörten Erdbiebung / in deß Hertzogen von Sophoien Lande /
in welchem sieben Stedte vntergangen vnd versuncken / nicht weit von
Nißa gelegen / diß M.D.LXIIII. Jar geschehen ..., Prague 1564;
Erschreckliche vnd jemmerliche Zeittung / Wie etzliche Stedte vnd Dörffer
/ in des Hertzogen von Sophoia Landt / mit sampt dem Volck darinnen /
versuncken vnd vntergangen seindt. Andere Zeittungen: Von der grausamen vnd
vngestümmen zerstörung der Stadt Cattaro / welche mit sampt den
vmbligenden Flecken vnd Bergen / in einem grossen Erdbiedem /
zerschüttert vnd zerfallen ..., n. pl. 1564; Schrecklike Vnde warhafftige
jamerlike Tydinge / wo etlike Steede vnde Dörper / jn des Hertigen van
Sophoia Landt / sampt dem Volcke darinne / in dem vorschenen LXiiij. Jare jm
Augusto vorsuncken vnd vnder gegan sint. Noch ander Tydinge / van der gruwsamen
vnde vngestümigen vorstöringe der Statt Cattaro in Slauonien / welcker
sampt den vmmeliggenden Bleken (sic) vnde Bergen / jn ener groten Erdtbeuinge
tho schüddet vnde thouallen sint ..., n. pl. n. d.
26. Newe Zeytung. Von einem Megdlein das entzuckt ist gewest / vnd was
wunderbarliche Rede es gethan hat / geschehen zu Freyberg in Meyssen im Jar.
M.D.LX., Nuremberg n. d., f. A2r, quotation f. A4v: "alte Prophezeyung
/ wie Freyberg sollen versincken / vnd Dressen ertrincken";
Wundergeschicht / Offenbarung vnnd Gesichte / einer entzuckten Kindsbetterin
/ welche ... Land Leut vnd stette zur busse vermanet / geschehen zur
Neünstatt dises 1569. Jars / Den fünff vnd zweintzigsten December,
Augsburg n. d., f. B2v.
27. Warhafftige vnd erschreckliche Newe Zeitung auß Vngern von der
Stadt Temesuar / zu jetziger zeit Türckisch / durch verhengknuß
Gottes / gantz in grundt verderbt vnd versencket ist, Nuremberg (1576), in:
Walter L. Strauss: The German Single-Leaf Woodcut 1550-1600. A Pictorial
Catalogue, New York 1975, p. 122; En sandru / gruelig oc forskreckelig ny
Tidende aff Vngern / huorledis den Stad Temesuar / som nu horde Tyrckeren
til / formedelst Guds synderlige tilladelse / bleff i it Øyeblick slet
oc aldelis fordærffuet / omstyrt / forsprengt oc nedsiuncken / Oc der
som Staden oc Slottet stod tilforn / er nu ekon idel Vand / oc er ligest til
at ansee som en stor Sø, Copenhagen 1576; Ein erschrecklich Newes Liedt
aus Vngern / von der Stadt Temesuar (jetziger zeit Türckisch) wie die von
Tausent vnd vier hundert Centner Puluers ist zu grund gangen. Im Thon. Kompt
her zu mir / spricht Gottes Sohn. Gemacht im M.D.LXXVI. Jar / den XXVII. Maij.
Erstlichen / Gedruckt zu Prag bey Michel Peterle, n. pl. n. d.
28. O. Hartz: Die Rungholtsage bei den nordfriesischen Chronisten, in:
Jahrbuch des Nordfriesischen Vereins für Heimatkunde und Heimatliebe
20 (1933), p. 80-86.
29. Joannes Baazius: CONCEPT Aff Een Christeligh Bootpredikan / Som itt
olärdt Scholæbarn framförde / vthi Jönekiöpingz
Kyrkio Torn then 30. April Åhr 1627. Effter wisse witnes berättelse
/ som tilhörde: Sammanschriffuen, Kalmar 1627; id.: Inventarium
ecclesiæ sveogothorum ..., Linköping 1642, p. 765-770; Petrus
Jonae: Een liten Förklaring / På then Predikan / Som een Dieckne
Poike hafft haffuer vthi Jenekiöpingh Anno 1627. in Aprili vthaff Kyrcke
Tornet som förestår. Hastelighen Schriffuen, Kalmar 1627.
30. J[ust] M[athias] Thiele: Danske Folkesagn, 4 parts, Copenhagen 1818-23;
2nd ed. with the title: Danmarks Folkesagn, 2 vols., Copenhagen 1843.
31. Nicolaus Heldvaderus: CALENDARIOGRAPHIA SACRA ... Disligest en Kircke
Calender, paa huad Aar oc Dag / Guds Helligen haffue beseglet / Christi
Euangelium / met deris Blods vdgydelse ... effter som deris Naffne findis
i voris Aarlige Allmanach, n. pl. 1618, f. Aaa4v sq.; repeated verbatim in
id.: HISTORIARUM SACRARUM ENCOLPODION Det er / En Nye og Nyttig Bog / om vor
HErris JEsu CHristi / Sampt hans hellige Apostlers / Confessorum oc Martyrers
Liff oc Leffnets Historie / vdi huilcken findis Aaret / Maaneden oc Dagen /
paa huilcke alting er skeed ..., Copenhagen 1634, f. Bbbbb2r.
32. Thiele (cf. n. 30), 1823, part 4, p. 107 sq.
33. Thiele (cf. n. 30), 1843, vol. 2, p. 79.
34. Karl Müllenhoff: Sagen Märchen und Lieder der
Herzogthümer Schleswig Holstein und Lauenburg, Kiel 1845, p. 151, no.
35. Cf. Inger Lövkrona: "Det är bestämt en
byting". Dordi Larsdotter och hennes vanföra barn. En studie
utifrån ett gotländskt domstolsfall, in: Budkavlen 68 (1989),
p. 5-18; Jan-Inge Wall: Hon var en gång tagen under jorden ...
Visionsdikt och sjukdomsbot i gotländska trolldomsprocesser (=Skrifter
utg. genom Dialekt- och folkminnesarkivet i Uppsala, Ser. B, vol. 19),
36. Cf. Harald Ilsøe: 555 danske Selvbiografier og Erindringer.
En kronologisk forer med referater til trykte selvbiografier forfattet af
personer født før 1790, Copenhagen 1987.
37. Cf. Samuel E. Bring: Itineraria Svecana. Bibliografisk
förteckning över resor i Sverige fram til 1950 (=Svenska
bibliotekariesamfundets skriftserie, vol. 3), Stockholm 1954; Harald
Ilsøe: Udlændinges rejser i Danmark indtil år 1700.
En bibliografisk fortegnelse, Copenhagen 1963.
38. Cf. Karl-Sigismund Kramer: Brauch, Sage, Glaube und
Predigtmärlein" in einem Mirakelbuch der heiligen Anastasia zu
Benediktbeuren, in: Fabula 32 (1991), p. 119-131; Jürgen Beyer:
Aspects of the Transformation of Visionary Narratives in Scandinavia and
Germany, c. 1400-1700, in: Birgitte Rorbye (ed.): Visions - Narratives About
the Past, the Present and the Future (working title), 1997 (forthcoming).
39. Cf. Bjorn Poulsen: Om 1600-tallets bonder og deres syn på verden.
En læsning af to bondedagboger, in: Fortid og Nutid 1994, p. 227-243;
Karen Schousboe (ed.): Bondedagboger - kilder til dagliglivets historie.
Introduktion og registrant, Brede 1980.
40. Cf. Hilding Pleijel: Gamla utfärdstal från svenska bygder
(=Meddelanden från kyrkohistoriska arkivet i Lund, vol. 11),
41. Cf. Emil Weller: Die ersten deutschen Zeitungen. Mit einer
Bibliographie (1505-1599) (=Bibliothek des litterarischen Vereins in
Stuttgart, vol. 111), Stuttgart 1872 (Repr. (with supplements) Hildesheim
& New York 1971); P[eter] M[atthias] Stolpe: Dagspressen i Danmark,
dens Vilkaar og Personer indtil Midten af det attende Aarhundrede, vol. 1,
Copenhagen 1878 (p. I-XCIV: Bibliografisk Fortegnelse over danske Flyveblade);
Fiskaa (cf. n. 23).
42. Cf. Michael Chesnutt: Folktale, in: Encyclopedia of Medieval Folklore
(working title), New York: Garland 1998 (forthcoming).
43. Caspar Hennenberger: Erclerung der Preüssischen grössern
Landtaffel ... Sampt vielen schönen auch Wunderbarlichen Historien ...,
Königsberg 1595, index f. D4r: "Register ... nach ordnung der Zehen
Gebot ... / zu nutz armen (sic) Pfarherrn / so die grossen Promptuaria
Exemplorum nicht zu zalen haben".
44. Grethe Larsen & Erik Dal: Danske Provinstryk 1482-1830. En
bibliografi, vol. 1 sqq., Copenhagen 1994 sqq.; Henrik Horstbøll: De
"små historier" og læserevolutionen i 1700-tallet, in:
Fund og Forskning 33 (1994), p. 77-99; Hans Erich Bödeker (ed.):
Histoires du livre, nouvelles orientations (=In Octavo, vol. 1), Paris 1995;
Roger Chartier (ed.): Histoires de la lecture, un bilan des recherches (=In
Octavo, vol. 2), Paris 1995.
45. Alfred Messerli: Propaganda und Ideologie der Schriftlichkeit in
Deutschschweizer Volkskalendern, in: Schweizerisches Archiv für
Volkskunde 88 (1992), p. 175-205, here p. 192 sq.
46. Jan de Vries: Nederlands etymologisch woordenboek, Leyden 1963-71,
p. 599, s. v. sage: "De reden, dat in de 18de eeuw de duitse vorm
opnieuw overgenomen werd, is dat het in het nieuwhoogduits de speciale
betekenis gekregen had van 'bericht over gebeurtenissen in het verleden,
die langs mondelinge weg overgeleverd zijn'. Een typisch woord van de
romantiek"; Ordbok över svenska språket utgiven af Svenska
Akademien, vol. 24, Lund 1965, col. S 104-127, s. v. saga, sagen; and
47. Cf. also Waldemar Liungman: Das wahrscheinliche Alter des
Volksmärchens in Schweden (=FF Communications, no. 156),
48. I have earlier studied the dissemination of news and religious
tracts around the Baltic Sea, cf. Jürgen Beyer: Lutherische
Propheten in Deutschland und Skandinavien im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert.
Entstehung und Ausbreitung eines Kulturmusters zwischen Mündlichkeit
und Schriftlichkeit, in: Robert Bohn (ed.): Europa in Scandinavia.
Kulturelle und soziale Dialoge in der frühen Neuzeit (=Studia
septemtrionalia, vol. 2), Frankfort-on-the-Main 1994, p. 35-55; id.:
George Reichard und Laurentius Matthæi: Schulmeister, Küster,
Verfasser, Buchhändler und Verleger im letzten Jahrzehnt des
Dreißigjährigen Krieges, in: Roger Chartier & Alfred
Messerli (eds.): Pratiques de lire - pratiques d'écrire en
Europe, 1500-1900 (working title), Basle, Boston & Berlin:
Birkhäuser 1998 (forthcoming).
49. Cf. Ingrid Tomkowiak: Lesebuchgeschichten. Erzählstoffe in
Schullesebüchern 1770-1920, Berlin & New York 1993.